Australia buys Digicel, PNG’s mobile monopoly

by PNG Business News - October 26, 2021

Photo credit: Devpolicy

by Stephen Howes

Yesterday, Telstra announced that it was buying Digicel Pacific. Telstra itself is only paying $270 million, and the Australian government $1.33 billion. Yet, Telstra is obtaining 100% ownership. The deal is certainly an attractive one for Telstra. But does it make sense for Australia, and for the Pacific?

Digicel has had a transformational impact in the Pacific, but now has too much market power. As the Telstra release explains, it holds the dominant position in all the Pacific countries in which it operates, except for Fiji, where it is in second place.

In Papua New Guinea, which I know best, and which is by far Digicel's biggest market, the company  has a 92% share of the mobile phone market. That makes Digicel effectively a monopoly in PNG. And that is why it is so profitable: like any monopolist, it exploits its market power.

Australian and PNG researchers have been tracking mobile internet prices in PNG since Australia gifted it a new underwater cable . Their conclusion is that since the completion of that cable in December 2019 to today there has been no decrease in mobile internet prices. The reason is simple: the lack of retail competition.

Michelle Nayahamui Rooney, Martin Davies and I last year exposed Digicel PNG’s predatory loan scheme. Digicel lends phone credit to its customers. They pay it back when they next top up. Our estimate is that Digicel made a 17% return from such loans every week, which is equivalent to an unbelievable 351200% a year.

Is this really the way in which Australia want to engages in the Pacific – owning an enterprise that keeps prices high for consumers, and rips them off when they are desperate to make a call?

Any monopolist is necessarily engaged in a battle between the consumer and their profits. At some point, Telstra will end up going toe-to-toe with the PNG telecom regulator, NICTA, as Digicel has done several times. It’s going to be awkward for both Telstra and the Australian government.

Many will welcome the investment as a sign of Australian commitment to the Pacific. However, if we want to invest in the telecom sector in the Pacific, we should be backing alternatives to Digicel, to push prices down and improve services, not buying out the dominant player. Amalgamated Telecom Holdings based in Fiji is the Pacific’s second biggest telecom provider. It is currently planning to enter the PNG mobile market with support from the Asian Development Bank. This is the sort of investment we should be financing.

That Australia has bought Digicel shows the extent to which the Pacific is now viewed through a China lens. That’s unfortunate. China is a massive economic power. Its companies will have increasing stakes in economies around the world. That is a fact we have to accept.

The Australian government also needs to decide if its only goal is to counter China or if it is still seeks to promote Pacific development. When I was AusAID's Chief Economist, Digicel was the new kid on the block in the Pacific, and it was successfully challenging state-owned telcos that until then had been dominant. In 2006, in Foreign Minister Alexander Downer's flagship Pacific 2020 report, we wrote glowingly about the competition that various Pacific countries had recently started allowing in the mobile phone sector. Our analysis was right then, and remains relevant today. Yet here we are, in 2021, doing the opposite: rather than supporting greater competition in the telecom sector, subsidising the purchase of the incumbent monopolist.

The decision to buy Digicel Pacific should be reversed. If it is too late for that, the Australian government should at least – in return for all its cheap and risk-reducing finance – oblige Telstra to operate Digicel for the benefit of the people of the Pacific rather than solely for its shareholders through an agreement that makes it clear that the Australian company is not only expected to return the cheap loan it has been given, but also reduce prices, and end rip-offs.

 

This article appeared first on Devpolicy Blog (devpolicy.org), from the Development Policy Centre at The Australian National University. Stephen Howes is the Director of the Development Policy Centre and a Professor of Economics at the Crawford School.



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PNG Business News - October 18, 2021

Human cost of the Pacific’s COVID-19 recession

Women selling coconut and bottle gourd in Intoap, PNG (P. Mathur/Bioversity International/Flickr) The socio-economic impacts of COVID-19 are devastating communities in the Pacific and Timor-Leste as much as the virus itself, and sometimes to an even greater extent. World Vision surveyed 752 households (with an average of six people per household) in Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Timor-Leste and Vanuatu in late 2020 to better understand the secondary impacts of the pandemic at the community level. The sample size was relatively small (because the survey was done in an emergency context under government restrictions), but still the results provide a valuable insight into the deep and sometimes unexpected knock-on effects of COVID-19 in the region. Unsurprisingly, loss of livelihoods was the number one concern for the households surveyed. Almost 60% of respondents had either lost their job, lost income, or resorted to alternative sources of income due to the economic impacts of the pandemic. The top five reasons cited by households for this loss of income were reduced demand for goods/services (29%), closed markets (20%), lack of access to livelihood inputs such as seeds and materials (18%), movement restrictions (15%), and transport limitations (10%). These disruptions are crippling the same industries that are the traditional drivers of Pacific economies – tourism, agriculture, small- and medium-sized business and money sent home by seasonal workers. Street vendors and farmers have been the hardest hit, with 56% of vendors and 55% of agriculture and livestock workers saying their work was fully or severely affected by the pandemic in the two weeks before the survey. Extent of COVID-19 impacts on livelihoods in the past fortnight (2020) Source: World Vision Report Pacific Aftershocks This data is consistent with concerns raised by the Lowy Institute that the Pacific has been particularly battered by the economic fallout of COVID-19 and that it could face a potential ‘lost decade’ of economic progress as a result. On current projections, average income per person in the Pacific will not recover to 2019 levels until 2028 unless a multi-year recovery package is urgently adopted. Loss of livelihoods isn’t just affecting consumer activity; it is having significant ripple effects across Pacific societies. The ‘Pacific Aftershocks’ survey revealed the cruel choices families are forced to make as their incomes collapse, with households resorting to selling assets and even skipping meals to cope: Only half of households surveyed were able to fully meet their food expenses, with one in four (24%) skipping meals or eating cheaper meals since COVID-19 More than half (51.7%) of households have drawn down on savings to cope with loss of income 5% of households had sold productive assets such as livestock or equipment 14% of households have sent their children to work to help make up for lost income 14% have engaged family members in begging or high-risk jobs With tourism expected to be one of the last sectors to recover from the pandemic, there is a real risk that the Pacific could face its own version of ‘long COVID’ – a protracted, slow climb back to economic normality over the next decade, during which the socio-economic impacts above could become a type of ‘new normal.’ But this doesn’t have to be the case. In the short-term (during the next six months), work is needed to urgently scale up social protection measures (such as cash and voucher assistance and, where this is not possible, food assistance) to help poor families with disrupted incomes meet their immediate needs. In many contexts across the Pacific region, assistance in the form of cash and vouchers minimises the distortion to markets while ensuring families do not resort to negative coping mechanisms such as eating less or forcing their children to work. To build back better in the medium and longer-term (the next one to five years), a suite of initiatives should be deployed to stimulate the Pacific economy and rebuild livelihoods. This could include improving access to finance for small businesses, strengthening market systems so they work better for the poor, investing in women’s economic empowerment, and restoring environments through low-cost regenerative agriculture. As a mechanism to coordinate and drive this work, it is recommended all national and donor governments in the Pacific region, including Australia, work together to develop an Economic Recovery Compact – a roadmap to rebuild the regional economy in a way that leaves no one behind. By rebuilding livelihoods, starting at the bottom of the economic pyramid, donor and national governments can increase productive capacity, broaden the consumer base, and build resilience across the market system, all while supporting those who need it most. Just as regional governments worked together to establish the Pacific Humanitarian Pathway on COVID-19, the region should again coalesce around the longer-term recovery effort – because a regional crisis like this requires a regional response. For more information, see World Vision’s report Pacific Aftershocks: Unmasking the impact of COVID-19 on lives and livelihoods in the Pacific and Timor-Leste.   This article appeared first on Devpolicy Blog (devpolicy.org), from the Development Policy Centre at The Australian National University. Jonathon Gurry is World Vision Australia’s senior policy advisor, leading policy development on livelihoods, food security and climate change. He is a former lawyer with many years of international experience in the aid and development sector. Dane Moores is the Policy Manager at World Vision Australia where he oversees policy analysis and influencing on child rights, livelihoods and food security, conflict and fragility, and First Nations policy.

Commentary

PNG Business News - October 18, 2021

Transformation of a Port Moresby settlement

Photo: Joyce Bay settlement (Desmond Narongou) by Desmond Narongou Joyce Bay settlement, formerly known as Horse Camp, is a notorious settlement in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea (PNG). It has been known for criminal activity, and as a place where many criminals live. The settlement is located in the Port Moresby South Electorate of the National Capital District, and is one of the oldest settlements in the city. The community includes people from Gulf Province and at least 11 other ethnic groups from throughout PNG. The population was estimated at more than 10,000 in 2013, and is believed to be around 13,000 now. The rapid increase in the population (from about 7,000 in the year 2000) reflects an influx of migrants from rural to urban areas, seeking employment opportunities and access to improved health and education services. Over the last few years, some major changes have taken place within the community, which have brought radical shifts to people’s mindset and behaviour. New infrastructure development, and projects providing opportunities for youths and business development, have contributed to a transformation for the Joyce Bay settlement. According to a report by the Asian Development Bank, the Joyce Bay community had limited livelihood options in 2013. The most common jobs were security guard for males and shop assistant for females. Some women worked as market vendors, selling fresh food brought in by producers from the outskirts of Port Moresby. There were a handful of skilled people such as carpenters, plumbers and painters, who were engaged in ad hoc contracts. Wages were low, with no system to enforce minimum wages for casual or part-time workers. These workers also had limited access to credit. Starting in 2013, the Ginigoada Foundation, with City Pharmacy Ltd and the National Capital District Commission (NCDC), has opened up opportunities for youths, and others, to attend financial literacy training and small business training. This has empowered them to venture into new business activities to improve their lifestyle and sustain themselves. In that same year, Joyce Bay underwent major road works, providing much needed access to transport within the settlement after decades without. This was funded by Moresby South District Development Authority and the NCDC. This has paved the way for other infrastructural developments to take place, including a sewerage system and water supply. In 2016, a local community hall was constructed. The community hall has a conference room, store room, kitchen and toilet. It also has a multipurpose sports court that can be used for community events. In 2019, water company Eda Ranu (now merged with Water PNG) and Kumul Consolidated Holdings commissioned a multimillion kina Joyce Bay Sewage Treatment Facility, which was funded by the PNG government and the Japanese aid agency JICA. A number of local churches were also established, during the early 2000s, including my church. Taken together, this is a big impact project situated in the heart of the community. It has been championed by the local MP, Justin Tkatchenko, who is keen on rapidly transforming his electorate. Alongside these positive developments, I’ve observed changes in people’s behaviour and attitudes. Youths have been kept busy with sports, which reduces thoughts of engaging in illegal activities. The church has also attracted a lot of youths to its programs and activities, which has contributed to the big improvement in the community. When I came to Port Moresby in 2018, I met up with some of the boys from my church. Joe Alfred, Paul Kore and Sasae Ray are some of my best friends, and have been living in the area since the 1980s when their families migrated from Gulf Province. I asked them about the stories I heard about the community, and they said it was far worse before than it was now. Joyce Bay was a no-go zone, and I was so afraid to go there myself for our church fellowship. After my first visit, I was more nervous and afraid and had to ask my friends to escort me to and from the bus stop and the church. Fast forward to today, and I’ve spent three years moving around the Joyce Bay community every weekend. I’ve witnessed the improvements as well as heard about them. In Joyce Bay, there are a lot of challenges which are yet to be overcome, for example, in terms of good water supply and other sanitary solutions to improve the health and hygiene of the community, and improved drainage as the Joyce Bay area is subjected to flooding during the rainy season. Unemployment remains a challenge in the community. But the future looks much brighter for Joyce Bay inhabitants. by Desmond Narongou Joyce Bay settlement, formerly known as Horse Camp, is a notorious settlement in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea (PNG). It has been known for criminal activity, and as a place where many criminals live. The settlement is located in the Port Moresby South Electorate of the National Capital District, and is one of the oldest settlements in the city. The community includes people from Gulf Province and at least 11 other ethnic groups from throughout PNG. The population was estimated at more than 10,000 in 2013, and is believed to be around 13,000 now. The rapid increase in the population (from about 7,000 in the year 2000) reflects an influx of migrants from rural to urban areas, seeking employment opportunities and access to improved health and education services. Over the last few years, some major changes have taken place within the community, which have brought radical shifts to people’s mindset and behaviour. New infrastructure development, and projects providing opportunities for youths and business development, have contributed to a transformation for the Joyce Bay settlement. According to a report by the Asian Development Bank, the Joyce Bay community had limited livelihood options in 2013. The most common jobs were security guard for males and shop assistant for females. Some women worked as market vendors, selling fresh food brought in by producers from the outskirts of Port Moresby. There were a handful of skilled people such as carpenters, plumbers and painters, who were engaged in ad hoc contracts. Wages were low, with no system to enforce minimum wages for casual or part-time workers. These workers also had limited access to credit. Starting in 2013, the Ginigoada Foundation, with City Pharmacy Ltd and the National Capital District Commission (NCDC), has opened up opportunities for youths, and others, to attend financial literacy training and small business training. This has empowered them to venture into new business activities to improve their lifestyle and sustain themselves. In that same year, Joyce Bay underwent major road works, providing much needed access to transport within the settlement after decades without. This was funded by Moresby South District Development Authority and the NCDC. This has paved the way for other infrastructural developments to take place, including a sewerage system and water supply. In 2016, a local community hall was constructed. The community hall has a conference room, store room, kitchen and toilet. It also has a multipurpose sports court that can be used for community events. In 2019, water company Eda Ranu (now merged with Water PNG) and Kumul Consolidated Holdings commissioned a multimillion kina Joyce Bay Sewage Treatment Facility, which was funded by the PNG government and the Japanese aid agency JICA. A number of local churches were also established, during the early 2000s, including my church. Taken together, this is a big impact project situated in the heart of the community. It has been championed by the local MP, Justin Tkatchenko, who is keen on rapidly transforming his electorate. Alongside these positive developments, I’ve observed changes in people’s behaviour and attitudes. Youths have been kept busy with sports, which reduces thoughts of engaging in illegal activities. The church has also attracted a lot of youths to its programs and activities, which has contributed to the big improvement in the community. When I came to Port Moresby in 2018, I met up with some of the boys from my church. Joe Alfred, Paul Kore and Sasae Ray are some of my best friends, and have been living in the area since the 1980s when their families migrated from Gulf Province. I asked them about the stories I heard about the community, and they said it was far worse before than it was now. Joyce Bay was a no-go zone, and I was so afraid to go there myself for our church fellowship. After my first visit, I was more nervous and afraid and had to ask my friends to escort me to and from the bus stop and the church. Fast forward to today, and I’ve spent three years moving around the Joyce Bay community every weekend. I’ve witnessed the improvements as well as heard about them. In Joyce Bay, there are a lot of challenges which are yet to be overcome, for example, in terms of good water supply and other sanitary solutions to improve the health and hygiene of the community, and improved drainage as the Joyce Bay area is subjected to flooding during the rainy season. Unemployment remains a challenge in the community. But the future looks much brighter for Joyce Bay inhabitants.   This article appeared first on Devpolicy Blog (devpolicy.org), from the Development Policy Centre at The Australian National University. Desmond Narongou is a freelance researcher and writer. He graduated with a Bachelors Degree of Commerce in Information Technology from PNG University of Technology in 2017.


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Agriculture

Paul Oeka - September 29, 2022

AGRICULTURE HAS HUGE ECONOMIC POTENTIAL

Photo credit: Oxford Business Group The creation of the new ministries by the current government for both major agricultural commodities, Coffee and Oil Palm is a huge step forward in achieving the agriculture sectors economic potential. For the past years the agricultural sector had not been fully utilized by consecutive governments as the focus had mostly been centered on the extractive industry and Mining & Petroleum sector. This important and vital sector is eventually and currently being recognized as an economic pillar to boost the state coffers. Prime Minister Hon. James Marape said the allocation and restructure of the four newly created ministries concentrating on Horticulture (Fresh produce), Coffee, Oil Palm, and Livestock to the agricultural sector is a complete paradigm shift to get agriculture moving again. The focus of the Marape Government on ‘Taking Back PNG’ is deeply rooted and aligned with the mechanisms and functions of the agricultural sector as most of the country’s population are situated in rural settings and largely depend on subsistence agriculture to sustain themselves. Coffee, Cocoa, Oil palm and Fresh produce have been a mainstay that this rural population rely on for income for so many years. As far as many Papua new Guineans can recall and relate, Agriculture has always been the foundation and backbone of the country and it can surely drive the economy forward. Although the agricultural does not match in monetary turnovers for the country, it is an economic foundation and is here to stay. In comparison over monetary benefits with other sectors, Agriculture had not been performing to expectation due to so many underlying issues concerned and faced with the value chain of agricultural commodities prompting a decline in agricultural activities over the years. The Prime Minister said it was no secret that agriculture had declined since independence in 1975, and the current allocation of the four agricultural ministries was to revive the sector for it to be a major income generator for PNG. PM Marape said this when explaining the concept and rationale for his allocation of four ministries to the agricultural sector. This direction by the Marape/Rosso Government to emphasize more on agriculture will boost agricultural activities in and around the country. Mostly the sector had not been given proper recognition for decades and had been lacking government intervention from past successive governments. Now with the current Government’s backing, the respective agricultural ministries and its industries are expected to flourish dramatically and are likely to bring more benefits. The new ministries will also empower provinces that currently do not have mining and petroleum resources. This will certainly build stronger local economic activities for future generations. “We want to see import replacement and more exports within the agriculture sector, which is why we have allocated four separate ministries to agriculture,” PM Marape said. The recognition of this agricultural industries will also ease and slowdown rural-urban drift. The number of people migrating from rural areas into towns and cities in search for better opportunities have risen in the past couple of years due to inequality in the distribution of wealth and lack of government services. Thus, the governments focus on agriculture will encourage many unemployed Papua New Guineans living in urban areas to go back to their home Provinces or villages and be self-reliant. As economic opportunities arise in rural areas from vibrant and innovative policy interventions within these newly created agricultural ministries, it will attract many to contribute meaningfully and be productive on their own customary land. Prime Minister Marape said over the last three years prior to the creation of the new agricultural ministries, his government has given millions of kina to support agriculture through price and freight subsidies and SME support. “We are now targeting specific commodities through the establishment of the four ministries. Over the next term of government, we will give specific production targets for Coffee, Oil Palm and all other major agricultural Commodities” he said. The government also plans to revive and rehabilitate once thriving agricultural hubs in the country such as Cattle farming in the Central Province and the Coffee plantations of the Highlands region that produced quality organic Coffee and grew the fledgling industry pre-independence in the 1960’s.   Now that the agricultural sector has been categorized into four industries, there will be room for much improvement in economic activity within the agricultural sector as people will start contributing meaningfully to the economy.

Business

Paul Oeka - September 28, 2022

TREASURER WANTS REVIEW OF ELECTION FUNDS

Treasurer Ian Ling-Stuckey is dismayed at how the 2022 National Elections were conducted and is now looking forward to a complete review of the allocated funds that were spent on the elections. Ling-Stuckey recently stated in parliament that the government had allocated and funded enough money for the election process to be conducted this year. “We provided a further K50 million to cover the costs for the 2022 election, bringing the total funding for the election to nearly double the level of expenditure in the 2017 national elections. There was enough money to support a much better election this year, so I look forward to the proposed parliamentary committee examinations of what went wrong and what can be done better” he said. The Treasurer also expressed concern that there was a decrease in the public servants’ salaries. He explained that “Once again there is a salary cost overrun. This is K201 million much lower than in previous years, and out of this, over 70 percent is related to teacher wage overruns. We contributed to bring this area under control. After no pay increases during the latest part of the Covid-19 crisis, it is now time to start increasing some salary payments”. “There is also the need to provide additional funding for the seven new districts that have been created and K3 million each has been provided. There are also new members in existing electorates, and it is appropriate that they be given some funds for commencing programs through to the end of the year. For equity reasons all districts and provinces needed to benefit the same so an additional 2 million per district and province have been allocated bringing the funding back to 10 million per districts and provinces” he said. Meanwhile there was an announcement on Thursday last week that the Department of personnel management, Treasury and Finance are working together to ensure that there will be a three percent pay increment in the salary of public servants. This pay increment is to be adjusted and effective by December this year, the welcoming news for public servants was confirmed by the Secretary of the Department of Personnel Management, Taies Sansan.

Commentary

PNG Business News - September 28, 2022

PNG’s minimum wage

Commentary by Stephen Howes, Kingtau Mambon and Kelly Samof The urban minimum wage has been an important part of Papua New Guinea’s economic history. In the last few years before independence (in 1975), it was greatly increased. In the decade or so after independence, it was widely regarded as too high. In 1992, it was slashed, merged with the rural minimum, and hardly increased again for more than a decade. We can compare the minimum wage in PNG today with other Asia and Pacific developing countries using International Labour Organization (ILO) data. As Figure 1 shows, PNG’s minimum wage is 18% below the average of the 19 countries shown if the market exchange rate is used to compare minimum wages. It is 37% below the average if differences in cost of living are also taken into account (with conversions made on the basis not of market exchange rates but so-called purchasing power parities or PPPs). The greater difference in terms of PPPs reflects PNG’s relatively high cost of living. Of the countries shown, only Samoa and Kiribati have a lower minimum wage than PNG when a PPP comparison is made. This is very different to the past. Raymond Goodman, Charles Lepani and David Morawetz in their 1985 report The economy of Papua New Guinea compared minimum wages in PNG with a subset of the countries above back in 1978. Then, the PNG minimum wage was about twice as big or more than the other comparators. Today (using market exchange rates, and the earlier authors do), PNG comes in the middle of the pack, as Figure 2 shows. So far, we have shown that around the time of independence minimum wages were very high in PNG by international standards, and that they no longer are. Figure 3 shows how this change came about – also, for interest, comparing trends in PNG with those in Australia. Both the PNG and Australian weekly minimum wages are shown in Figure 3 measured in Australian dollars. The PNG minimum wage is converted into Australian dollars using the current exchange rate. Both wages are then adjusted for inflation and expressed in 2021 prices. The two series follow diametrically opposed paths. The Australian minimum wage fell with the high inflation of the 1970s and industrial relations reforms of the 1980s, and by the early 1990s was little more than half its value in the 1970s. It then increased in the late 1990s and 2000s during the resource boom, and has continued to increase. Adjusting for inflation, it is now almost back to where it was in the early 1970s. The PNG minimum wage does the opposite. It increased in the 1970s and was then held stable due to indexation, until the big bang reforms of 1992. Adjusted for inflation, PNG’s minimum wage continued to fall until 2004. There have since been some significant increases, but today PNG’s minimum wage is only about one-third of its value at independence, and below its value even in 1972, which is when the steep minimum wage increases began. The Australian minimum wage has always been significantly higher than the PNG one, but the ratio has changed a lot over time. The lowest that ratio has ever been is 2.2 in 1986, the highest 45 in 2004. The gap between the two wages is much higher now than at independence: the ratio of the Australian to the PNG minimum wage was 14.5 in 2021, compared to only 3.2 at independence (1975). This reflects PNG’s 1992 deregulation, and the faster growth in the Australian economy, which has enabled an increase in the Australian minimum wage. The solution to low wages in PNG is not necessarily to increase the minimum. In some sectors, where there is a lot of international competition, a higher minimum wage might lead to job losses. For example, in tuna processing, one of PNG’s main competitors is the Philippines. From Figure 1, we can see that PNG’s minimum wage is lower than the Philippines' on the basis of PPPs, but actually higher on the basis of market exchange rates. While the former is what matters for the welfare of workers, the latter is what matters for international competitiveness. Whether PNG’s minimum wage should be increased will require a lot more analysis. The point of this blog is simply that PNG’s minimum wage does not look high any more by international comparisons, as it has fallen a lot since independence. PNG is often described as a high-cost economy, and this is a fair description. However, with regards to unskilled labour, it is no longer a high-wage economy.   Data note: The PNG Economic Database provides the weekly minimum wage of PNG going back to 1972, and the PGK-AUD exchange rate. Wikipedia provides the Australian weekly minimum wage data (hourly and weekly, on the assumption of a 38-hour week) starting from 1966. The Australian CPI is from the Australian aid tracker. There are some years where Australian minimum wage rates change more than once in a year. For such cases, we took the average as annual minimum wage rate. The data for Asia-Pacific comparisons are from the International Labour Organization and the World Bank. The different frequencies of minimum wages for each country in 2019 in the ILO’s report are adjusted to convert to weekly rates. World Bank data is used to obtain market exchange rates and PPP conversion factors. For the Goodman, et al., data go to Table 3.6 on p.61 in their report.\ Disclosure: This research was undertaken with the support of the ANU-UPNG Partnership, an initiative of the PNG-Australia Partnership, funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. The views are those of the authors only. This article appeared first on Devpolicy Blog (devpolicy.org), from the Development Policy Centre at The Australian National University. Stephen Howes is Director of the Development Policy Centre and Professor of Economics at the Crawford School of Public Policy, at The Australian National University. Kingtau Mambon is currently undertaking a Master of International and Development Economics at the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, for which he was awarded a scholarship through the ANU-UPNG Partnership. Kelly Samof is a lecturer in economics at the School of Business and Public Policy, University of Papua New Guinea.

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